Journalist @baltimoresun writer artist runner #amwriting Chaplain PIO #partylikeajournalist

Journalist @baltimoresun writer artist runner #amwriting Chaplain PIO #partylikeajournalist
Journalist @baltimoresun writer artist runner #amwriting Md Troopers Assoc #20 & Westminster Md Fire Dept Chaplain PIO #partylikeajournalist
Showing posts with label World Russia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label World Russia. Show all posts

Thursday, August 14, 2008

Monday August 11 2008 Interview of the President by Bob Costas NBC Sports


Monday August 11 2008 Interview of the President by Bob Costas NBC Sports

August 14, 2008 - I enjoyed the Monday, August 11, 2008 interview of President George W. Bush by NBC sports reporter Bob Costas. I was happy to find the following transcript on the White House web site:

For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
August 11, 2008

Interview of the President by Bob Costas, NBC Sports

International Broadcasting Center
Beijing, The People's Republic of China

White House News
Photos
In Focus: Summer Olympics 2008

Photo caption: President George W. Bush speaks with Bob Costas of NBC Sports during an interview Monday, Aug. 11, 2008, while attending the 2008 Summer Olympic Games in Beijing. White House photo by Eric Draper

8:55 A.M. (Local)

Q All right, Al, we thank you. In a few minutes we'll have more of the women's team qualifying from Sunday afternoon here in Beijing. But now, live, we're joined by President George W. Bush, who has been at these games since the Opening Ceremony. You say the Opening Ceremony. You've seen Michael Phelps and company at the pool. You went to beach volleyball, the USA's win over China in basketball last night. What are your impressions so far?

THE PRESIDENT: First of all, I think the Chinese are being great hosts. The venues are fantastic. And our team is fired up -- and so am I. I'm excited to be here. It's -- it's such a thrill to watch our men and women compete.

Q You met with the ballplayers before the basketball game last night.

THE PRESIDENT: I did. (Laughter.)

Q What was their response to you?

THE PRESIDENT: Their response was -- well, first of all, obviously these are great stars. And their response was, thanks for coming; we are really, really honored to represent America. And I was impressed by them. And of course they go out and put on a great performance.

Q And winning 101 to 70. Our time here is limited. We'll get to as much as we can. The Opening Ceremonies were glorious. There's much to admire about China's people, China's culture, and its present accomplishments. But this remains an authoritarian state –

THE PRESIDENT: That's true.

Q -- with an abysmal human rights record. In the long run, is China's rise irreconcilable with America's interests?

THE PRESIDENT: No. In the long run, America better remain engaged with China, and understand that we can have a cooperative and constructive, yet candid relationship. It's really important for future Presidents to understand the relationship between China and the region, and it's important to make sure that America is engaged with China -- even though we may have some disagreements.

Q You met with President Hu Jintao not just at the Opening Ceremony, but privately since then. Did you press him on the full array of American concerns -- human rights, press freedom, Tibet, China's support of rogue regimes like Sudan and Myanmar?

THE PRESIDENT: Yes -- and North Korea, and Iran.

Q It was all on the table?

THE PRESIDENT: Oh, absolutely, every time -- every time. And you got to understand something, Bob, I don't need the Olympics to advance America's agenda. I've met with Hu Jintao a lot since I have been the President. And, yes, I had a full range -- listen, we agree with them on a lot of things. And we disagree with them on things. And that's the way the relationship is going to be. It needs to be, as I mentioned, constructive and cooperative.

Q This past week you restated America's fundamental differences with China.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes.

Q But given China's growing strength and America's own problems, realistically how much leverage and influence does the U.S. have here?

THE PRESIDENT: First of all, I don't see America having problems. I see America as a nation that is a world leader, that has got great values. And leverage is -- I don't think you should look at the relationship as one of leverage. I think you ought to look at the relationship of one of constructive engagement where you can find common areas, like North Korea and Iran, but also be in a position where they respect you enough to listen to your views on religious freedom and political liberty.

Q If these Olympics are as successful as they are shaping up to be, most people believe this only further legitimizes the ruling party in the minds on most Chinese citizens. And even absent true liberty as we understand it, the lives of hundreds of millions of Chinese people are much better than they once were. Therefore, what's the party's incentive to reform?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, if you're a religious person, you understand that once religion takes hold in a society it can't be stopped. And secondly, I think the Olympics are going to serve as a chance for people to come and see China the way it is, and let the Chinese see the world and interface and have the opportunity to converse with people from around the world. This is a very positive development, in my view, for peace.

And who knows how China is going to progress? They've been through some very difficult political times -- the Cultural Revolution, for one, where the leadership actually created violent anarchy and society turned on itself. All I can tell you is, is that it's important for the United States to be active in this part of the world with all countries, and to stay engaged with China.

Q Moving away from China for just a second. During the Opening Ceremony we saw you conferring with Vladimir Putin.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes.

Q We now know you were talking about the conflict that had erupted that day –

THE PRESIDENT: That's true.

Q -- between Russia and Georgia. Now, Georgia is a former Soviet republic that is sympathetic to the West –

THE PRESIDENT: Yes.

Q -- and that is attempting to embody many Western values. But just as you need China, you need Russia strategically around the globe. You got to walk a fine line. What did you say to Putin?

THE PRESIDENT: I said this violence is unacceptable -- I not only said it to Vladimir Putin, I've said it to the President of the country, Dmitriy Medvedev. And my administration has been engaged with both sides in this, trying to get a cease-fire, and saying that the status quo ante for all troops should be August 6th. And, look, I expressed my grave concern about the disproportionate response of Russia and that we strongly condemn bombing outside of South Ossetia.

It was just interesting to me that here we are trying to promote peace and harmony and we're witnessing a conflict take place.

Q Right, no Olympic truce in this case.

THE PRESIDENT: There wasn't. And I was very firm with Vladimir Putin -- he and I have got a good relationship -- just like I was firm with the Russian President. And hopefully this will get resolved peacefully. There needs to be a international mediation there for the South Ossetia issue.

Q A couple more quick things.

THE PRESIDENT: Sure.

Q China is a nation that warmly received Omar al-Bashir of Sudan, who has since been indicted by the International Court on charges of genocide.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes.

Q Then this past week they revoked the visa of Joey Cheek, an exemplary Olympian who had planned to come here not to directly protest China's government, but to call attention to the humanitarian crisis in Darfur.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes.

Q What's your reaction?

THE PRESIDENT: My reaction is I'm sorry Joey Cheek didn't come, he's a good man. Joey Cheek has just got to know that I took the Sudanese message for him. My attitude is, is if you got relations with Mr. Bashir, think about helping to solve the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. That was my message to the Chinese government.

Q As you attempt to press these points with them, do you find Hu Jintao not just warm toward you personally, but is he receptive? Do you sense any movement?

THE PRESIDENT: It's hard to tell. I mean, it's -- all I can tell you is, is that it is best to be in the position where a leader will listen to you. I went to church here, and I'm sure the cynics say, well, you know, it was just a state-sponsored church. On the other hand -- and that's true. On the other hand, it gave me a chance to say to the Chinese people, religion won't hurt you, you ought to welcome religious people. And it gave me a chance to say to the government, why don't you register the underground churches and give them a chance to flourish? And he listened politely. I can't read his mind, but I do know that every time I met with him I pressed the point.

Q Your father has longstanding connections to China. He was an envoy here even before we established an official ambassador's position, during the 1970s, and he is here with you on this trip. So there's a connection, a family connection.

THE PRESIDENT: Absolutely. Yes, there's a great connection. You know, I can remember riding my bike around Beijing in 1975, and it is –

Q Only bikes then, just about.

THE PRESIDENT: -- unbelievable how far this has changed. I mean, it is -- and he feels the same way. And we were honored yesterday when the President, Hu Jintao, invited my dad and me and Laura and my sister and my daughter, my brother, for dinner. It was a -- lunch. It was just a great gesture of kindness.

Bob, it's very important for the American people to know that coming here gave me a chance, obviously, to root for our team, and you've captured that, but it's also coming here is a sign of respect for the Chinese people. And this is a big, important nation. We'll have our differences, we'll have our agreements. But in order to find common ground and to move the world toward peace, it is important for this country to show respect for the people of the country.

Q Briefly, one more sports question.

THE PRESIDENT: Sure.

Q You have been outspoken -- your past connections to baseball; you used a State of the Union speech to do it, to talk about performance-enhancing drugs in sports. Marion Jones recently petitioned you for clemency.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes.

Q She's serving time because of involvement in the BALCO case -- one-time Olympic hero. We know many Olympians and in your favorite sport and mine, baseball, big names -- Barry Bonds, Roger Clemens. What's your feeling about this and how much do you, as an American, trust the integrity of the sports you watch?

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, well, you know, let's just talk about baseball. Obviously one of the great things about baseball is we can compare the records of the players of the '50s to the '60s and the '70s, and obviously the 1990s, and it is very important for there to be a -- for the sport to be clean so that the great continuity and the history of baseball is real. And secondly, we don't want adults sending mixed messages to children, that it's okay to shoot up drugs in order to become a star, because it's not okay.

Q Are you going to go to a few more events before you leave?

THE PRESIDENT: I'm going to swimming here -- if you'd ever let me off this set. (Laughter.)

Q All right. You are dismissed.

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, sir.

Q Thank you, Mr. President.

END 9:04 A.M. (Local)

http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2008/08/20080811.html

20080811 Interview of the President by Bob Costas NBC Sports

Tuesday, December 25, 2007

20071225 Moscow – Top bank official is 2nd to die in month

Moscow – Top bank official is 2nd to die in month

December 25, 2007

It’s nice to know that the аппарaтчик of the land of Alexander Isayevich Solzhenitsyn, Leo Tolstoy, and Daniil Kharms, still have a flair for the imaginative obfuscation.

Re-read the above article and savor “The main cause of Funin’s death is an accident as a result of negligently playing with a weapon…”

####

Tuesday, October 17, 2006

Anna Politkovskaya killed October 7, 2006


Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya interviewed in the Guardian by James Meek on October 15, 2004

Anna Politkovskaya killed October 7, 2006

Anna Politkovskaya murdered in Moscow

http://www.moredevastation.com/actualite/2006/10/7/anna-politkovskaya-murdered-in-moscow.html

Special reports
Chechnya
Russia

Interactive guides

Russia's offensive in Chechnya
1994-96 war

From the Guardian archive

31.08.1996:
31.08.1996: Chechen war is over, says triumphant Lebed
18.12.1994: 18.12.1994: Yeltsin begins to lose war of words over Chechnya
12.12.1994: 12.12.1994: Russian forces steamroll into breakaway republic

World news guide
Russia

Media
Chechen foreign ministry
Chechenpress state information agency
Chechen Times
Moscow Times
Gazeta.ru
Russia Journal
Interfax news agency

Putin's Russia by Anna Politkovskaya is published by Harvill. To order a copy for £8.99 with free UK p&p, call the Guardian Book Service on 0870 836 0875, or go to
www.guardian.co.uk/bookshop.

The murder of the Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya is an irremediably great tragedy. The conflicting rights Anna Politkovskaya, r.i.p. and perspectives involved in the Chechen situation notwithstanding, Russia is now so much less than she has been
_____

Dispatches from a savage war
http://www.guardian.co.uk/women/story/0,,1327791,00.html

Poison and death threats won't stop Anna Politkovskaya from reporting the truth about Chechnya. She talks to James Meek

Friday October 15, 2004

The Guardian

Anna Politkovskaya was born into Soviet high society; the kind of privileged, metropolitan elite that knew abroad better than it knew the factories of the Urals, and whose children were guaranteed comfortable jobs in the rambling bureaucracies of Moscow.

Half a life later, in her 40s and a mother of two children, Politkovskaya found herself alone at night in the Chechen hills, fleeing through the darkness. She was running from the Russian security service, the FSB, which wanted to arrest her, but out there in the highlands of a lawless region steeped in bloodshed, she could have fallen victim to anyone or anything; Chechen bandits, Russian or Chechen government death squads, a broken neck. It was Europe, in 2002.

"I walked the whole night," she says. "I wanted to stay alive! It was terrifying. I reached the [Chechen] village of Stary Atagi at dawn. I stayed there for a day and a night, keeping my head down ..." She talks about it for a while, then seems to check herself, feeling perhaps that telling a stranger about one of the numerous occasions in her career as a journalist that she faced a threat of imprisonment or serious harm is irrelevant to the serious business of reporting. "These are just details," she says, finally.

In the bland setting of a publisher's London flat, you can see in Politkovskaya, one of the bravest of Russia's many brave journalists, the different ages of her life, and her looking serious in each of them: the bookish student of the 1970s, the earnest, curious young Soviet reporter, the journalist who embraced the freedoms of perestroika in the late 1980s, the veteran of Russia's recent conflicts who returns time and again to Chechnya to enrage the Kremlin leadership as it seeks to make of Vladimir Putin an infallible khan.

Her seriousness is not just her frown, her severe glasses and full head of grey hair. It's the tension, anger and impatience in her whole body, making clear that her sense of the continual injustice being perpetrated in her homeland never leaves her, that she can't shut it out in a way almost all British journalists, even the campaigning, radical kind, can.

It's a surprise, then, to see her start to laugh and make fun of the Guardian's photographer when he gets her to pose for him. "Photographers always do that," she says, in her hesitant English. "They get people to do things they don't normally do." The photographer gets quite annoyed and you realise that Politkovskaya is still young (she's 46). And still hopeful. The author picture on the back of her new book, Putin's Russia, is so self-consciously tragic, and its subject matter so bleak, that I ask her whether she thinks it might take generations for her country to become truly free.

"I wouldn't ever want to say it would take generations," she says. "I want to be able to live the life of a human being, where every individual is respected, in my lifetime."

Politkovskaya was born in New York, where her Soviet Ukrainian parents were UN diplomats, in 1958, five years after the death of Stalin. She was sent back home to be educated and after school entered one of the most prestigious university departments in the USSR, the journalism faculty of Moscow State University. Among its other advantages, her parents' diplomatic status enabled them to smuggle banned books into the country for her, and she was able to write her dissertation about a normally forbidden poet, the emigre Marina Tsvetayeva.

After graduation, Politkovskaya worked for the daily Izvestiya, then moved to the in-house paper of the state airline monopoly Aeroflot. "Every journalist got a free ticket all year round; you could go on any plane and fly wherever you wanted. Thanks to this I saw the whole of our huge country. I was a girl from a diplomatic family, a reader, a bit of a swot; I didn't know life at all."

With the coming of perestroika, Politkovskaya switched to the independent press which began to emerge and flourish: first Obshchaya Gazeta, then Novaya Gazeta (New Newspaper). None of the terrible things that have happened in Russia since the coming to power of the reformer Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985 have persuaded Politkovskaya that it would have been better to preserve the USSR.

"From an economic point of view, life became very difficult," she says, "but politically it wasn't shocking at all. It was simple happiness, that you could read and think and write whatever you wanted. It was a joy. You need to endure a great deal in the way of economic hardship for the sake of freedom."

Hardly had the new countries of the former Soviet Union begun to stand on their feet, however, than a series of internal wars broke out. The most savage of them, continuing to this day, involves various attempts by Russian government troops to regain control over the small region of Chechnya. Politkovskaya became one of the most dogged reporters of that conflict.

Russians speak of two Chechen wars: the first, under Yeltsin, from 1994 to 1996, ended with a peace deal and troop withdrawal under pressure from the media and public. When Putin invaded for a second time, in 1999, he took steps to ensure that the media would not embarrass him with reports about the reality of Russia's brutality in Chechnya. If, as Politkovskaya believes, stopping the first Chechen war was the Russian media's greatest achievement in the relatively free Yeltsin years, the second Chechen war has been its greatest disaster. Once an independent voice among many, Novaya Gazeta is now among the few Russian media outlets which have not yet been intimidated into toeing the Kremlin line.

The second Chechen war began by costing Politkovskaya her marriage. She returned home to Moscow one day in 1999, fresh from reporting on a long-range Russian rocket attack in Grozny which had hit a market and a maternity hospital, killing scores of people, including women and children, to hear her husband tell her: "I can't take this any more." Recently, it almost cost her her life, when, on her way to Beslan in the early hours of the school hostage crisis, she was slipped poison in a cup of tea. In between, she has experienced countless death threats from Russian troops, Chechen fighters and the other, more shadowy armed groups operating in the margins of the war. The kidnappings, extrajudicial killings, disappearances, rapes and tortures she has reported on in Chechnya have left her convinced that Putin's policies are engendering the terrorists they are supposed to eliminate.

"To this day there's torture in any FSB branch in Chechnya, like the so-called 'telephone', where they pass an electric current through a person's body. I've seen hundreds of people who've been through this torture. Some have been tortured in such an intricate way that it's hard for me to believe that it was done by people who went to the same sort of schools that I did, who read the same textbooks."

Politkovskaya has no regrets about the times she has stepped outside the role of reporter in recent Chechen terrorist attacks - as a negotiator in the Moscow theatre siege, and as a would-be negotiator at Beslan, before she was poisoned. "Yes, I went beyond my journalistic role," she says. "But it would be quite wrong to say that doing so was a bad move from a journalistic point of view. By setting aside my role as journalist I learned so much that I would never have found out being just a plain journalist, who stands in the crowd along with everyone else."

She has harsh words for what she sees as the west's kid-glove treatment of Putin and Russia. "Most of the time they forget the word Chechnya. They only remember it when there's a terrorist act. And then it's, 'Oh!' And they start their full coverage up again. But virtually nobody reports on what is really going on in that zone, in Chechnya, and the growth of terrorism. The truth is that the methods employed in Putin's anti-terrorist operation are generating a wave of terrorism the like of which we have never experienced."

The Bush-Blair "war on terror" has been of enormous help to Putin, Politkovskaya says. Many people in Russia gained perverse comfort from the pictures of US abuses in Abu Ghraib prison. "I've heard it many times. In Russia you hear people talking about it with pride: that, 'We treated the blacks like this before the Americans did, and we were right, because they are international terrorists.'

"Putin's begun to try to prove on the world stage that he's also fighting international terrorists, that he's just a part of this fashionable war. And he's been successful. He was Blair's best friend for a while. When, after Beslan, he began to state that we were seeing virtually the hand of Bin Laden, it was appalling. What's Bin Laden got to do with it? The Russian government created these beasts, brought them up, and they came to Beslan and behaved like beasts."

The only way for the west to regain moral authority, Politkovskaya argues, would be for it to treat Putin as it treats Alexander Lukashenko, the autocratic, bullying president of Russia's neighbour Belarus - not sanctions, but a more personal, tailored form of ostracism. "It's impossible to talk on the one hand about the monstrous scale of victims in Chechnya and the spawning of terrorism and then lay out the red carpet, embrace Putin and tell him: 'We're with you, you're the best.' That shouldn't be happening. I understand, our country's a big market, it's very attractive. I understand it very well. But we're not second-class people, we're people like you, and we want to live."


20041015 Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya
20061007 Anna Politkovskaya killed
20061017 SDOSM
Journalists Politkovskaya-Anna

Kevin Dayhoff www.kevindayhoff.net http://kevindayhoff.blogspot.com/