Journalist @baltimoresun writer artist runner #amwriting Chaplain PIO #partylikeajournalist

Journalist @baltimoresun writer artist runner #amwriting Chaplain PIO #partylikeajournalist
Journalist @baltimoresun writer artist runner #amwriting Md Troopers Assoc #20 & Westminster Md Fire Dept Chaplain PIO #partylikeajournalist

Wednesday, October 29, 2003

20030222 Audrey Cimino’s vocalist performing bio



February 22, 2003

Audrey’s performing credits start at the age of three when she was lifted on to a tabletop at the local VFW hall in her hometown of Burlington, Vermont to sing, Papa Won’t You Dance With Me. She fell in love with the applause and hasn’t stopped singing since.

During her high school years Audrey sang in the school’s chorus and several other smaller vocal groups. She was also a repeat qualifier for all-state chorus. On weekends she was the lead vocalist for the town’s big band jazz orchestra that was formed by several former members of the Tommy Dorsey and Glenn Miller orchestras. During this period she also placed second in the state of Vermont level of the Talentville USA competition. This was a national competition that pitted a variety of performing talents against one another.

After moving to Baltimore in 1973, Audrey’s performing focus centered on theatre for a long while. Her theatre credits include leading roles in Oliver, Kiss Me Kate, Gypsie, Kiss of the Spider Woman, All My Sons, Nunsense, Into the Woods, Man of La Mancha, the King and I, and Fiddler on the Roof among others. She did continue during this span, however, to do solo vocalist work for weddings, variety shows, and voice-over vocals for industrial films.

In recent times, Audrey has also been guest vocalist with the Carroll County Jazz Ensemble and Herb Sell’s Jazz Quintet among her solo performances. She has also stayed active in choral music, singing with two church choirs during this period, as well as the Carroll County Choral Society and the Masterworks Chorale of Carroll County. During the past couple of years she has joined with her husband, Joe, in performing professionally for large group events. Their music selections offer a collage that spans from theatre to the classic tunes of the 1940’s.

Away from the performing arts, Audrey is an attorney and the Executive Director of the Community Foundation of Carroll County, Maryland.


Friday, October 24, 2003

20031007 In Defense of Rush by Mary Katharine Ham/Richmond County Daily Journal

Editorials: IN DEFENSE OF RUSH: The media need to call it both ways

By Mary Katharine Ham/Richmond County Daily Journal

Tuesday, October 7, 2003

All right, hold on to your hats, folks, because this white girl's about to write about race and Rush Limbaugh.

If you haven't heard already, Limbaugh resigned from his position as a commentator for ESPN's "Sunday NFL Countdown" after being lambasted by the media for remarks he made Sept. 28 about Philadelphia Eagles quarterback Donovan McNabb.

His comments went a little something like this: "I think what we've had here is a little social concern in the NFL. The media has been very desirous that a black quarterback do well. There is a little hope invested in McNabb, and he got a lot of credit for the performance of this team that he didn't deserve. The defense carried this team."

Now comes the part where the media get to shake their collective head and tremble with manufactured outrage over Limbaugh's "incendiary" remarks, as they like to call them.

Limbaugh's "insensitive" remarks have been plastered on every sports page, sports show and newscast in the country for the past week. Newspaper coverage of his comments has been paired with "it serves that bigot right" columns from sportswriters giddy with the chance to jump on the Rush-bashing bandwagon.

So, why the rush to hang Rush? Does the punishment fit the crime?

First, it is certainly true that McNabb has not shined recently, even according to McNabb.

Whether the media give him too much credit for his team's performance is debatable, but it's certainly a valid sports opinion open to discussion on any sports show. So Rush is safe so far.

Now, here's where Limbaugh did the unthinkable. He mentioned McNabb's race.

Limbaugh claims McNabb is overrated because the sports media are concerned about the status of black quarterbacks in the NFL. Are they?

Of course they are. If there wasn't social concern for the status of black athletes and coaches in the NFL, there would not have been such a stink over the Detroit Lions hiring Steve Mariuchi (a white coach) before interviewing any black candidates.

Any guess who that stink was raised by?

That's right, the nation's sports media - the same media which now claim to be socially un-concerned with the performance of black QBs and coaches in the NFL.

Whether you agree with Limbaugh's comments, they're neither totally off the wall nor racist. Limbaugh mentioned McNabb's race, but didn't disparage it. I can't count the number of times I've heard mainstream sports journalists refer to McNabb's race, so what's the difference?

Make no mistake about it, the problem is not what was said, but who said it.

Limbaugh is a conservative, white man who, in the eyes of the overwhelmingly liberal media, has no right to talk about race. As soon as the word "black" comes out of his mouth, he's a racist.

On the other hand, if you're a minority or a liberal, you can say pretty much whatever you want and the press, ever the rooter-out of racism, has nothing to say about it.

Take Dusty Baker, who is black. The Chicago Cubs manager made some gross ethnic generalizations in July when he said:

"Personally, I like to play in the heat," he said. "It's easier for me. It's easier for most Latin guys and easier for most minority people.

"Your skin color is more conducive to the heat than it is to the light-skinned people, right? You don't see brothers running around burnt and stuff, running around with white stuff on their ears and nose and stuff."

And what did the press do? It didn't demand an apology; it didn't call Dusty a bigot.

In fact, very little was written about the incident. Conservative critics roared that white men would have lost their jobs for comments like that.

In fact, two white men already had.

In the late 80s, sports commentator Jimmy "The Greek" Snyder and Dodger executive Al Campanis were both fired for making racial statements very similar to Baker's.

And it's not just sports where racist remarks from minorities are treated with kid gloves.

New York City Councilman Charles Barron attended a reparations rally in Washington, D.C., in August 2002. The black councilman addressed a crowd of several thousand, including many reporters, saying: "I want to go up to the closest white person and say 'You can't understand this, it's a black thing' and then slap him, just for my mental health."

You probably never even heard this before I wrote it, did you?

That's because only Reuters news service wrote a story on it. Evidently, the other reporters didn't think it was a story, even though it was an elected official, speaking in a public forum, making violent threats based solely on race.

Barron's response to criticism from conservative radio broadcaster Steve Malzberg was that he was using a form of humor called "black hyperbole" that "y'all wouldn't understand because you're uptight and you're gonna take it where it was not intended." (WABC Radio, Aug. 18, 2001.)

Maybe Rush should try that.

But the double standard doesn't stop there. As long as you're liberal, you're safe it seems.

Take Sen. Robert Byrd (D-W.Va.), a white man and former member of the Ku Klux Klan who used the "n-word" twice in one interview on Fox News in March 2001.

Did you hear about that one? Probably not.

The New York Times ignored the story. CNN did one report, according to, a conservative news Web site.

California's Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante addressed the Coalition of Black Trade Unionists in 2001 using the "n-word." The press has yet to publicize the incident during the California recall race, in which Bustamante is the Democrats' best hope to defeat Republican front-runner Arnold Schwarzenegger.

If the press is going to cast itself as racism's biggest enemy, it should fight it on all fronts instead of creating it where it doesn't exist.

But the liberal press is on a witch-hunt.

Not for racists, but for white conservatives it can portray as racists. Limbaugh has made that point many times and now the media are clamoring for all they're worth to prove him right.

If you want a witch worth hunting, start looking for corrupt journalists. You won't have to look very hard.

Contact reporter Mary Katharine Ham at 997-3111, ext. 19; e-mail

Friday, October 17, 2003

20031013 Westminster Choir College by The Daily Princetonian

Westminster Choir College

By Zack Surak, Princetonian Senior Writer

Imagine walking on to one of the smallest campuses you've ever seen. As you walk into a dramatic hall — similar in beauty and presence to Princeton's Nassau Hall — images of venerated men and women stare at you from the depths of the canvases that line the walls. History resonates from the soul of the building.

The rest of the interior is reminiscent of the elegant beauty of Prospect House with antique artifacts indicating a rich history. But the setting is not that of Prospect House or Nassau Hall.

As you ascend to the main lobby up a story from the entrance, a wall of singing suspends you in your tracks. Peering into the room awash with late afternoon sunlight, you see a woman — no more than 25 years old — standing adjacent to a black grand piano. She is sweetly singing an aria from an opera that this writer never had the privilege of hearing. The notes range at least three octaves and the emotions of the lyrics are played out on the singer's face.

Then, the surreal scene is interrupted. A member of the small audience calls out, "More legato . . . suspend . . . suspend . . . and release."


Westminster is a small music college with an undergraduate program of roughly 330 students pursuing scholarship in music. Classes include music education, organ performance, piano, sacred music, theory and composition, voice performance and music theater.

At the graduate level, Westminster also has about 110 students who are working towards a Master of Music degree.

The story of Westminster began in 1920 when John Finley Williamson established the Westminster Choir at the Westminster Presbyterian Church in Dayton, Ohio. Within a few short years, Williamson had his volunteer choir singing at a professional level at national venues.

The early success motivated Williamson to start the Westminster Choir School in 1926 to professionally train musicians. The school moved to Ithaca, New York, in 1929 and became part of Ithaca College.

Then, in 1932, the institution moved to be close to major cities with symphonic orchestras and to a seminary that would complement the school's study of sacred music. With the help of Charles Erdman, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church and professor at the Princeton Theological Seminary, the Westminster Choir School moved to Princeton and was renamed Westminster Choir College.

At the time, Princeton President John Hibben helped Westminster's move as he lobbied the New Jersey governor for approval of college's charter. In those first years, Hibben also made the University chapel available for choral services and allowed the college to use University grounds for Westminster's annual spring festival. Close ties were forged between the University and Westminster.

Westminster continued to expand its renown during the 20th century, attracting many prominent musicians to its conservatory and faculty.

Then, in 1992, Westminster merged with Rider University.

Today, Westminster continues to attract topflight musicians. The school is home to musicians from 40 states and 18 countries.


Read the entire article here: Higher Education in Princeton — The other institutions


Westminster Choir College Princeton New Jersey, New Jersey,

Monday, October 13, 2003

20031012 Councils standing up to county executives sun,0,3775928.story?coll=bal-local-headlines

Across the suburbs, councils standing up to county executives

Miscommunication, tight finances inspire struggles over control

By Ryan Davis Sun Staff October 12, 2003

In Baltimore's largest suburban counties, where the county executives carry most of the clout, the counties' part-time councils are testing the limits of their power.

Anne Arundel County Council members, already complaining of being powerless, were shocked to learn this month that the county had hired a new $90,000-a-year manager for a position they didn't know existed.

They passed legislation Tuesday to prevent a recurrence.

Baltimore County Council members have sought the power to reject any new position proposed by the county executive, with whom they have clashed, and they derailed one of his top nominees.

Even in Howard County, where the council members say they are content with the status quo, the balance of power will be debated in the coming months.

Where the politicians have butted heads there are two common ingredients: communication troubles and tight finances.

"You get more of that sort of stuff during tough times," said Michael Sanderson, legislative director for the Maryland Association of Counties.

Most debates over the balance of power center on who controls the purse strings. Children learn in grade school how a bill becomes a law. It's basically the same everywhere.

But how a state or local government passes a budget is a different story. There's little uniformity, so there's room to fight about it.

It is generally accepted, Sanderson said, that Maryland's governor has the most budgetary authority of any in the United States. That power structure largely carries over to the executives in Anne Arundel, Baltimore and Howard counties, as well.

"The executives run the show, and the council is a policy-making body," said Victor Tervala, a consultant with the University of Maryland's Institute for Governmental Service.

It's different from the way local governments operate in many other states, where an appointed, full-time county manager runs the day-to-day government, but that manager must answer to the elected council members.

It also differs from the system used by most of the 17 smaller counties in Maryland. In counties such as Carroll, the powers of the executive and legislative branches are combined in a county commission.

And it's even different from more populous Montgomery County, where the council wields far more power.

In Anne Arundel, Howard and Baltimore counties, the executive develops a budget, the council reviews it and adopts it. But there is little the council can do to change it.

Battles for control, Sanderson said, typically focus on three issues:

 What the council can add and subtract from the county executive's proposed budget. Howard and Anne Arundel county councils can cut money from the budget and then add dollars back to the school board budget. Baltimore County's council can only cut.

 Position control, where the council has authority over not only how much money a county department gets, but also how many - and what type of - employees it gets. None of the three counties has this power, though Baltimore County sought it this year and Anne Arundel passed legislation seeking it Tuesday.

 Line-item veto, which allows the county executive to cut parts of a passed bill - a power that pertains to more than just budget issues. Only Anne Arundel's county executive has this power.

Though squabbling over control can turn public, as it has in Baltimore County, it often goes undetected.

Anne Arundel County Council members lamented last week that hundreds of residents will pack their chambers for a vote on new development. But only five people watched as they debated usurping some authority from County Executive Janet S. Owens.

"This is much more important," said Anne Arundel Republican Edward R. Reilly of Crofton.

The debate has not always followed partisan lines.

In Baltimore County, County Executive James T. Smith Jr. is a Democrat, and so are six of the seven council members. When the Anne Arundel County Council voted Tuesday to give itself increased oversight of Democrat Owens' budget, two of the council's three Democrats supported the bill.

Instead, budget and communication problems ignited power struggles. "In some circumstances the communication is not quite as good as it should be," said Anne Arundel County Councilman Ronald C. Dillon Jr., a Republican.

Tervala, the Maryland government consultant, said power struggles are typically personality-driven, and several former county executives agreed.

"I don't think the structure is nearly as important as the people involved and whether they have an earnest desire to make the system that exists work," said former Anne Arundel County Executive Robert R. Neall.

The friction can increase when there isn't much money to go around, said Sanderson of the counties association. If fewer programs are funded in a budget, it's more important to the politicians who decides what makes it into the spending plan, he said.

Council members in Baltimore and Anne Arundel counties have said their goal is to win more checks and balances on the size of government.

Owens' administration argued last week that by taking control of how many employees can work in a department, the part-time legislators on the council are trying to cross the line from policy-making into managing.

"On the one hand they're saying they don't want to micromanage, but this is micromanaging," Owens said.

Baltimore County's Smith declined to comment for this article, but he has said that giving the council control of each government position would be disastrous for efficiency.

Former Baltimore County Executive Donald P. Hutchinson said the stability of the region's county governments starts with having one person responsible for spending. And the county executive is the only politician accountable to all of the county's voters, not just one district.

"Generally speaking, everyone who runs for political office wants the power," Hutchinson said. "In some cases you want more power than the office is supposed to have."

In Howard, the county is entering its charter review process, which occurs every eight years. One proposal would give County Executive James N. Robey line-item veto power in exchange for allowing the council to add to the budget in more areas than education.

However, County Council members said they are not seeking change.

Council Chairman Guy Guzzone said the council has occasional miscommunication with Robey, but said, "It shouldn't lead to governmental structure changes just because you have a gripe because you didn't hear about something from the executive."

Baltimore County has weighed structural change this year. The council members, most of whom adopted former County Executive C.A. Dutch Ruppersberger's "teamwork" approach, said they have experienced repeated communication problems with Smith, a former judge in his first year as executive.

Councilman T. Bryan McIntire said Smith hasn't changed his style from that of a judge who makes decisions without consulting others.

The friction began, McIntire said, before Smith took office. Voters passed a council-backed referendum last year that has forced Smith to seek council approval of his appointees and their salaries.

Smith's nominee for his No. 2 post withdrew from consideration after the County Council complained about her and her proposed $140,000 salary.
Relations got worse when the council made what Smith called a naked power grab that would limit his ability to hire.

The council backed away when Smith agreed to provide a quarterly report on who is making what. But if that report proves insufficient, council members McIntire and Stephen G. Samuel Moxley said, they will revive the issue.

The power struggle has moved beyond control over the budget. The most recent hot issue is whether Smith should be allowed to appoint Orioles principal owner Peter G. Angelos to the county's Revenue Authority board.

In several ways, Anne Arundel's council is following Baltimore County's lead in seeking more power. But the Anne Arundel council may reach further.

The issue emerged in
Annapolis after the county endured a tumultuous budget process this spring. The administration surprised the council, telling its members what officials had known for months: A new law enforcement communications system had more than doubled in price from $15 million to $35 million.

Even though the council made budget cuts to avoid Owens' proposed pay freeze, she laid off 18 employees while keeping money in contingency accounts. Though several council members disagreed, they were powerless to stop her from doing so.

That prompted a council push for a charter amendment next year that would allow the council to cut from one part of the budget and add to any other.

Then, last month, Anne Arundel County hired John P. O'Connor, former secretary of the state Department of Labor, Licensing and Regulation, as an assistant personnel manager. Before hiring O'Connor, the county reclassified the vacant position into a higher salary range, paying $90,000 a year. The Owens administration said the council should have been aware of the change, but council members insist they weren't.

Citing O'Connor's hiring as an example of unchecked spending, the council voted Tuesday to give itself more control. Under the passed legislation, Owens would need council approval to reconfigure or increase staffing.

The bill's sponsors, Reilly in particular, said they wanted to spark a philosophical debate. Instead, it turned into a yelling match between the council's vice chairman and the county's budget officer.

"Simmer down," council Chairwoman Cathleen M. Vitale told them.

But even though the bill passed, the county executive says she will not only veto it, she is also exploring if it was legal for the council to pass such a bill.

"You've got so many elected officials," Owens said. "They all want to be county executive, and I think they all should run."

Copyright © 2003,
The Baltimore Sun

Thursday, October 09, 2003

4-H Therapeutic Riding Program of Carroll County

4-H Therapeutic Riding Program of Carroll County

January 21st, 2001 - 20031008 KED Mucking Out Stalls.JPG

The 4-H Therapeutic Riding Program is always seeking volunteers, ages 14 and up, to help with lessons at the 4-H arena at the Agriculture Center in Westminster. Horse experience is a plus, but is not required. for more information go here or call 410-876-1760.

4-H Therapeutic Riding provides a program of therapeutic horseback riding to children and adults with disabilities.

For over 20 years, this all-volunteer organization has served more than 1,500 individuals with a wide range of disabilities.

Therapeutic riding uses horses to make positive contributions to the physical, cognitive, emotional and social well being of individuals with disabilities.

The program serves as a training center for Special Olympic athletes competing locally and at the Special Olympic World Games.

Following standards of the North American Riding for the Handicapped Association, adaptations are made to allow individuals with disabilities to participate in various riding activities.

The program emphasizes cognitive, behavioral, psychological and physical goals for each participant.

My wife, Caroline, serves as a volunteer NARHA certified instructor, Board member and Treasurer. She also serves on the Carroll County Agriculture Center Board representing 4-H Therapeutic Riding and as the Ag Center Treasurer.

I volunteer also – mostly in a grounds maintenance – property management capacity, but I been known to do whatever I’m asked.

I designed the original landscape design for the property and, along with Caroline and many other volunteers, helped install the plants and build run-in sheds.

I grew up participating in 4-H.

In the past, I have taught many classes for the Cooperative Extension Service, served on numerous committees including: the Carroll Co. Agriculture Program Advisory Committee of the University of MD Cooperative Extension Service; the Cooperative Extension Service Maintenance Conference Planning Committee. I also served on a special Carroll & Frederick County agricultural community advisory taskforce for Dr. Raymond J. Miller, University of Maryland Vice Chancellor for Agricultural Affairs in the 1980s.

Kevin Dayhoff Soundtrack:
Kevin Dayhoff Art:
Kevin Dayhoff Westminster:

20031008 Two Cows


October 8th, 2003

Political humor with an edge – the story of two cows…


You have two cows. Your neighbor has none. You feel guilty for being successful. You vote people into office that put a tax on your cows, forcing you to sell one to raise money to pay the tax. The people you voted for then take the tax money, buy a cow and give it to your neighbor. You feel righteous. Barbara Streisand sings for you.


You have two cows. The government takes one and gives it to your neighbor. You form a cooperative to tell him how to manage his cow.


You have two cows. Your neighbor has none. So?


You have two cows. The government seizes both and provides you with milk. You wait in line for hours to get it. It is expensive and sour.


You have two cows. You sell one, buy a bull, and build a herd of cows.


You have two cows. The government taxes you to the point you have to sell both to support a man in a foreign country who has only one cow, which was a gift from your government.


You have two cows. The government takes them both, shoots one, milks the other, pays you for the milk, and then pours the milk down the drain.


You have two cows. You sell one, lease it back to yourself, and do an IPO on the 2nd one. You force the 2 cows to produce the milk of four cows. You are surprised when one cow drops dead. You spin an announcement to the analysts stating you have downsized and are reducing expenses. Your stock goes up and you sell out and retire rich.


You have two cows. You go on strike because you want three cows. You go to lunch. Life is good.


You have two cows. You redesign them so they are one-tenth the size of an ordinary cow and produce twenty times the milk. They learn to travel on unbelievably crowded trains. Most are at the top of their class at cow school.


You have two cows. You engineer them so they are all blond, drink lots of beer, give excellent quality milk, and run a hundred miles an hour. Unfortunately they also demand 13 weeks of vacation per year.


You have two cows but you don’t know where they are. While ambling around, you see a beautiful woman. You break for lunch. Life is good.


You have two cows. You count them and learn you have five cows. You drink more vodka. You count them again and learn you have 42 cows. You count them again and learn you have 12 cows. You stop counting cows and open another bottle of vodka. You produce your 10th, 5-year plan in the last 3 months. The Mafia shows up and takes over however many cows you really have.


You have all the cows in Afghanistan, which are two. You don’t milk them because you cannot touch any creature’s private parts. Then you kill them and claim a US bomb blew them up while they were in the hospital.


You have two bulls. Employees are regularly maimed and killed attempting to milk them.


You have a black cow and a brown cow. Everyone votes for the best looking one. Some of the people, who like the brown one best, vote for the black one. Some people vote for both. Some people vote for neither. Some people can’t figure out how to vote at all. Finally, a bunch of guys from out-of-state tell you which is the best-looking one.


You have fifteen million cows. You have to choose which one will be the leader of the herd, so you pick some cow from Arkansas

Rec’d 20031008