Transcript of Netanyahu's Speech to Congress
Speaker of the House John Boehner,
President Pro Tem Senator Orrin Hatch,
Senator Majority Leader Mitch McConnell,
House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi,
And House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy,
I also want to acknowledge Senator, Democratic Leader Harry
Reid. Harry, it’s good to see you back on your feet. I guess it’s true what
they say, you can’t keep a good man down.
My friends, I’m deeply humbled by the opportunity to speak
for a third time before the most important legislative body in the world, the
U.S. Congress. I want to thank you all for being here today. I know that my
speech has been the subject of much controversy. I deeply regret that some perceive
my being here as political. That was never my intention.
I want to thank you, Democrats and Republicans, for your
common support for Israel, year after year, decade after decade. I know that no
matter on which side of the aisle you sit, you stand with Israel. The
remarkable alliance between Israel and the United States has always been above
politics. It must always remain above politics. Because America and Israel, we
share a common destiny, the destiny of promised lands that cherish freedom and
offer hope. Israel is grateful for the support of America’s people and of
America’s presidents, from Harry Truman to Barack Obama.
We appreciate all that President Obama has done for Israel.
Now, some of that is widely known. Some of that is widely known, like
strengthening security cooperation and intelligence sharing, opposing
anti-Israel resolutions at the U.N.
Some of what the president has done for Israel is less
well-known. I called him in 2010 when we had the Carmel forest fire, and he
immediately agreed to respond to my request for urgent aid. In 2011, we had our
embassy in Cairo under siege, and again, he provided vital assistance at the
crucial moment. Or his support for more missile interceptors during our
operation last summer when we took on Hamas terrorists. In each of those
moments, I called the president, and he was there.
And some of what the president has done for Israel might
never be known, because it touches on some of the most sensitive and strategic
issues that arise between an American president and an Israeli prime minister.
But I know it, and I will always be grateful to President Obama for that
support.
And Israel is grateful to you, the American Congress, for
your support, for supporting us in so many ways, especially in generous military
assistance and missile defense, including Iron Dome. Last summer, millions of
Israelis were protected from thousands of Hamas rockets because this capital
dome helped build our Iron Dome.
Thank you, America. Thank you for everything you’ve done for
Israel.
My friends, I’ve come here today because, as Prime Minister
of Israel, I feel a profound obligation to speak to you about an issue that
could well threaten the survival of my country and the future of my people:
Iran’s quest for nuclear weapons.
We’re an ancient people. In our nearly 4,000 years of
history, many have tried repeatedly to destroy the Jewish people. Tomorrow
night, on the Jewish holiday of Purim, we’ll read the Book of Esther. We’ll
read of a powerful Persian viceroy named Haman, who plotted to destroy the
Jewish people some 2,500 years ago. But a courageous Jewish woman, Queen
Esther, exposed the plot and gave for the Jewish people the right to defend
themselves against their enemies. The plot was foiled. Our people were saved.
Today the Jewish people face another attempt by yet another
Persian potentate to destroy us. Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei spews
the oldest hatred, the oldest hatred of anti-Semitism with the newest
technology. He tweets that Israel must be annihilated – he tweets. You know, in
Iran, there isn’t exactly free Internet. But he tweets in English that Israel
must be destroyed.
For those who believe that Iran threatens the Jewish state,
but not the Jewish people, listen to Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hezbollah,
Iran’s chief terrorist proxy. He said: If all the Jews gather in Israel, it
will save us the trouble of chasing them down around the world.
But Iran’s regime is not merely a Jewish problem, any more
than the Nazi regime was merely a Jewish problem. The 6 million Jews murdered
by the Nazis were but a fraction of the 60 million people killed in World War
II. So, too, Iran’s regime poses a grave threat, not only to Israel, but also
the peace of the entire world. To understand just how dangerous Iran would be
with nuclear weapons, we must fully understand the nature of the regime. The
people of Iran are very talented people. They’re heirs to one of the world’s
great civilizations. But in 1979, they were hijacked by religious zealots –
religious zealots who imposed on them immediately a dark and brutal
dictatorship.
That year, the zealots drafted a constitution, a new one for
Iran. It directed the revolutionary guards not only to protect Iran’s borders,
but also to fulfill the ideological mission of jihad. The regime’s founder,
Ayatollah Khomeini, exhorted his followers to “export the revolution throughout
the world.”
I’m standing here in Washington, D.C. and the difference is
so stark. America’s founding document promises life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness. Iran’s founding document pledges death, tyranny, and the pursuit of
jihad. And as states are collapsing across the Middle East, Iran is charging
into the void to do just that.
Iran’s goons in Gaza, its lackeys in Lebanon, its revolutionary
guards on the Golan Heights are clutching Israel with three tentacles of
terror. Backed by Iran, Assad is slaughtering Syrians. Backed by Iran, Shiite
militias are rampaging through Iraq. Backed by Iran, Houthis are seizing
control of Yemen, threatening the strategic straits at the mouth of the Red
Sea. Along with the Straits of Hormuz, that would give Iran a second
choke-point on the world’s oil supply. Just last week, near Hormuz, Iran
carried out a military exercise blowing up a mock U.S. aircraft carrier. That’s
just last week, while they’re having nuclear talks with the United States. But
unfortunately, for the last 36 years, Iran’s attacks against the United States
have been anything but mock. And the targets have been all too real.
Iran took dozens of Americans hostage in Tehran, murdered
hundreds of American soldiers, Marines, in Beirut, and was responsible for
killing and maiming thousands of American service men and women in Iraq and
Afghanistan.
Beyond the Middle East, Iran attacks America and its allies
through its global terror network. It blew up the Jewish community center and
the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires. It helped Al Qaida bomb U.S. embassies in
Africa. It even attempted to assassinate the Saudi ambassador, right here in
Washington, D.C.
In the Middle East, Iran now dominates four Arab capitals,
Baghdad, Damascus, Beirut and Sanaa. And if Iran’s aggression is left
unchecked, more will surely follow.
So, at a time when many hope that Iran will join the
community of nations, Iran is busy gobbling up the nations. We must all stand
together to stop Iran’s march of conquest, subjugation and terror.
Now, two years ago, we were told to give President Rouhani
and Foreign Minister Zarif a chance to bring change and moderation to Iran. Some
change! Some moderation! Rouhani’s government hangs gays, persecutes
Christians, jails journalists and executes even more prisoners than before.
Last year, the same Zarif who charms Western diplomats laid
a wreath at the grave of Imad Mughniyeh. Imad Mughniyeh is the terrorist
mastermind who spilled more American blood than any other terrorist besides
Osama bin Laden. I’d like to see someone ask him a question about that.
Iran’s regime is as radical as ever, its cries of “Death to
America,” that same America that it calls the “Great Satan,” as loud as ever.
Now, this shouldn’t be surprising, because the ideology of Iran’s revolutionary
regime is deeply rooted in militant Islam, and that’s why this regime will
always be an enemy of America.
Don’t be fooled. The battle between Iran and ISIS doesn’t
turn Iran into a friend of America. Iran and ISIS are competing for the crown
of militant Islam. One calls itself the Islamic Republic. The other calls
itself the Islamic State. Both want to impose a militant Islamic empire first
on the region and then on the entire world. They just disagree among themselves
who will be the ruler of that empire.
In this deadly game of thrones, there’s no place for America
or for Israel, no peace for Christians, Jews or Muslims who don’t share the
Islamist medieval creed, no rights for women, no freedom for anyone. So when it
comes to Iran and ISIS, the enemy of your enemy is your enemy.
The difference is that ISIS is armed with butcher knives,
captured weapons and YouTube, whereas Iran could soon be armed with
intercontinental ballistic missiles and nuclear bombs. We must always remember
– I’ll say it one more time – the greatest danger facing our world is the
marriage of militant Islam with nuclear weapons. To defeat ISIS and let Iran
get nuclear weapons would be to win the battle, but lose the war. We can’t let
that happen.
But that, my friends, is exactly what could happen, if the
deal now being negotiated is accepted by Iran. That deal will not prevent Iran
from developing nuclear weapons. It would all but guarantee that Iran gets
those weapons, lots of them.
Let me explain why. While the final deal has not yet been
signed, certain elements of any potential deal are now a matter of public
record. You don’t need intelligence agencies and secret information to know
this. You can Google it. Absent a dramatic change, we know for sure that any
deal with Iran will include two major concessions to Iran.
The first major concession would leave Iran with a vast
nuclear infrastructure, providing it with a short breakout time to the bomb.
Breakout time is the time it takes to amass enough weapons-grade uranium or
plutonium for a nuclear bomb.
According to the deal, not a single nuclear facility would
be demolished. Thousands of centrifuges used to enrich uranium would be left
spinning. Thousands more would be temporarily disconnected, but not destroyed.
Because Iran’s nuclear program would be left largely intact,
Iran’s breakout time would be very short – about a year by U.S. assessment,
even shorter by Israel’s.
And if Iran’s work on advanced centrifuges, faster and
faster centrifuges, is not stopped, that breakout time could still be shorter,
a lot shorter.
True, certain restrictions would be imposed on Iran’s
nuclear program and Iran’s adherence to those restrictions would be supervised
by international inspectors. But here’s the problem. You see, inspectors
document violations; they don’t stop them.
Inspectors knew when North Korea broke to the bomb, but that
didn’t stop anything. North Korea turned off the cameras, kicked out the
inspectors. Within a few years, it got the bomb.
Now, we’re warned that within five years North Korea could
have an arsenal of 100 nuclear bombs.
Like North Korea, Iran, too, has defied international inspectors.
It’s done that on at least three separate occasions – 2005, 2006, 2010. Like
North Korea, Iran broke the locks, shut off the cameras. Now, I know this is
not going to come as a shock to any of you, but Iran not only defies
inspectors, it also plays a pretty good game of hide-and-cheat with them.
The U.N.’s nuclear watchdog agency, the IAEA, said again
yesterday that Iran still refuses to come clean about its military nuclear
program. Iran was also caught – caught twice, not once, twice – operating
secret nuclear facilities in Natanz and Qom, facilities that inspectors didn’t
even know existed.
Right now, Iran could be hiding nuclear facilities that we
don’t know about, the U.S. and Israel. As the former head of inspections for
the IAEA said in 2013, he said, “If there’s no undeclared installation today in
Iran, it will be the first time in 20 years that it doesn’t have one.” Iran has
proven time and again that it cannot be trusted. And that’s why the first major
concession is a source of great concern. It leaves Iran with a vast nuclear
infrastructure and relies on inspectors to prevent a breakout. That concession
creates a real danger that Iran could get to the bomb by violating the deal.
But the second major concession creates an even greater
danger that Iran could get to the bomb by keeping the deal. Because virtually
all the restrictions on Iran’s nuclear program will automatically expire in
about a decade. Now, a decade may seem like a long time in political life, but
it’s the blink of an eye in the life of a nation. It’s a blink of an eye in the
life of our children. We all have a responsibility to consider what will happen
when Iran’s nuclear capabilities are virtually unrestricted and all the
sanctions will have been lifted. Iran would then be free to build a huge
nuclear capacity that could produce many, many nuclear bombs.
Iran’s Supreme Leader says that openly. He says Iran plans
to have 190,000 centrifuges, not 6,000 or even the 19,000 that Iran has today,
but 10 times that amount – 190,000 centrifuges enriching uranium. With this
massive capacity, Iran could make the fuel for an entire nuclear arsenal and
this in a matter of weeks, once it makes that decision.
My long-time friend, John Kerry, Secretary of State,
confirmed last week that Iran could legitimately possess that massive centrifuge
capacity when the deal expires.
Now I want you to think about that. The foremost sponsor of
global terrorism could be weeks away from having enough enriched uranium for an
entire arsenal of nuclear weapons and this with full international legitimacy.
And by the way, if Iran’s intercontinental ballistic missile
program is not part of the deal, and so far, Iran refuses to even put it on the
negotiating table. Well, Iran could have the means to deliver that nuclear
arsenal to the far-reaching corners of the Earth, including to every part of
the United States. So you see, my friends, this deal has two major concessions:
one, leaving Iran with a vast nuclear program and two, lifting the restrictions
on that program in about a decade. That’s why this deal is so bad. It doesn’t
block Iran’s path to the bomb; it paves Iran’s path to the bomb.
So why would anyone make this deal? Because they hope that
Iran will change for the better in the coming years, or they believe that the
alternative to this deal is worse?
Well, I disagree. I don’t believe that Iran’s radical regime
will change for the better after this deal. This regime has been in power for
36 years, and its voracious appetite for aggression grows with each passing
year. This deal would only whet Iran’s appetite for more.
Would Iran be less aggressive when sanctions are removed and
its economy is stronger? If Iran is gobbling up four countries right now while
it’s under sanctions, how many more countries will Iran devour when sanctions
are lifted? Would Iran fund less terrorism when it has mountains of cash with
which to fund more terrorism?
Why should Iran’s radical regime change for the better when
it can enjoy the best of both worlds: aggression abroad, prosperity at home?
This is a question that everyone asks in our region.
Israel’s neighbors, Iran’s neighbors, know that Iran will become even more
aggressive and sponsor even more terrorism when its economy is unshackled and
it’s been given a clear path to the bomb. And many of these neighbors say they’ll
respond by racing to get nuclear weapons of their own. So this deal won’t
change Iran for the better; it will only change the Middle East for the worse.
A deal that’s supposed to prevent nuclear proliferation would instead spark a
nuclear arms race in the most dangerous part of the planet.
This deal won’t be a farewell to arms. It would be a
farewell to arms control. And the Middle East would soon be crisscrossed by
nuclear tripwires. A region where small skirmishes can trigger big wars would
turn into a nuclear tinderbox.
If anyone thinks this deal kicks the can down the road,
think again. When we get down that road, we’ll face a much more dangerous Iran,
a Middle East littered with nuclear bombs and a countdown to a potential
nuclear nightmare.
Ladies and gentlemen, I’ve come here today to tell you we
don’t have to bet the security of the world on the hope that Iran will change
for the better. We don’t have to gamble with our future and with our children’s
future.
We can insist that restrictions on Iran’s nuclear program
not be lifted for as long as Iran continues its aggression in the region and in
the world. Before lifting those restrictions, the world should demand that Iran
do three things. First, stop its aggression against its neighbors in the Middle
East. Second, stop supporting terrorism around the world. And third, stop
threatening to annihilate my country, Israel, the one and only Jewish state.
If the world powers are not prepared to insist that Iran
change its behavior before a deal is signed, at the very least they should
insist that Iran change its behavior before a deal expires. If Iran changes its
behavior, the restrictions would be lifted. If Iran doesn’t change its
behavior, the restrictions should not be lifted. If Iran wants to be treated
like a normal country, let it act like a normal country.
My friends, what about the argument that there’s no
alternative to this deal, that Iran’s nuclear know-how cannot be erased, that
its nuclear program is so advanced that the best we can do is delay the
inevitable, which is essentially what the proposed deal seeks to do?
Well, nuclear know-how without nuclear infrastructure
doesn’t get you very much. A racecar driver without a car can’t drive. A pilot
without a plane can’t fly. Without thousands of centrifuges, tons of enriched
uranium or heavy water facilities, Iran can’t make nuclear weapons.
Iran’s nuclear program can be rolled back well-beyond the
current proposal by insisting on a better deal and keeping up the pressure on a
very vulnerable regime, especially given the recent collapse in the price of
oil.
Now, if Iran threatens to walk away from the table – and
this often happens in a Persian bazaar – call their bluff. They’ll be back,
because they need the deal a lot more than you do.
And by maintaining the pressure on Iran and on those who do
business with Iran, you have the power to make them need it even more. My
friends, for over a year, we’ve been told that no deal is better than a bad
deal. Well, this is a bad deal. It’s a very bad deal. We’re better off without
it.
Now we’re being told that the only alternative to this bad
deal is war. That’s just not true. The alternative to this bad deal is a much
better deal: a better deal that doesn’t leave Iran with a vast nuclear infrastructure
and such a short breakout time; a better deal that keeps the restrictions on
Iran’s nuclear program in place until Iran’s aggression ends; a better deal
that won’t give Iran an easy path to the bomb; a better deal that Israel and
its neighbors may not like, but with which we could live, literally. And no
country has a greater stake – no country has a greater stake than Israel in a
good deal that peacefully removes this threat.
Ladies and gentlemen,
History has placed us at a fateful crossroads. We must now
choose between two paths. One path leads to a bad deal that will at best
curtail Iran’s nuclear ambitions for a while, but it will inexorably lead to a
nuclear-armed Iran whose unbridled aggression will inevitably lead to war. The
second path, however difficult, could lead to a much better deal that would
prevent a nuclear-armed Iran, a nuclearized Middle East and the horrific
consequences of both to all of humanity.
You don’t have to read Robert Frost to know. You have to
live life to know that the difficult path is usually the one less traveled, but
it will make all the difference for the future of my country, the security of
the Middle East and the peace of the world, the peace we all desire.
My friends, standing up to Iran is not easy. Standing up to
dark and murderous regimes never is. With us today is Holocaust survivor and
Nobel Prize winner Elie Wiesel. Elie, your life and work inspires to give
meaning to the words, “Never Again.” And I wish I could promise you, Elie, that
the lessons of history have been learned. I can only urge the leaders of the
world not to repeat the mistakes of the past. Not to sacrifice the future for
the present; not to ignore aggression in the hopes of gaining an illusory
peace.
But I can guarantee you this, the days when the Jewish
people remained passive in the face of genocidal enemies, those days are over.
We are no longer scattered among the nations, powerless to defend ourselves. We
restored our sovereignty in our ancient home. And the soldiers who defend our home
have boundless courage. For the first time in 100 generations, we, the Jewish
people, can defend ourselves.
This is why as Prime Minister of Israel, I can promise you
one more thing: Even if Israel has to stand alone, Israel will stand. But I
know that Israel does not stand alone. I know that America stands with Israel.
I know that you stand with Israel. You stand with Israel because you know that
the story of Israel is not only the story of the Jewish people but of the human
spirit that refuses again and again to succumb to history’s horrors.
Facing me right up there in the gallery, overlooking all of
us in this chamber is the image of Moses. Moses led our people from slavery to
the gates of the Promised Land. And before the people of Israel entered the
Land of Israel, Moses gave us a message that has steeled our resolve for
thousands of years. I leave you with his message today, “Be strong and
resolute, neither fear nor dread them.”
My friends, may Israel and America always stand together,
strong and resolute. May we neither fear nor dread the challenges ahead. May we
face the future with confidence, strength and hope.
May God bless the State of Israel and may God bless the
United States of America. Thank you. You’re wonderful. Thank you, America.
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